{"title":"Semiotext Intervention Series","description":null,"products":[{"product_id":"carceral-capitalism-book-jackie-wang-9781635900026","title":"Carceral Capitalism","description":"\u003cb\u003eEssays on the contemporary continuum of incarceration- the biopolitics of juvenile delinquency, predatory policing, the political economy of fees and fines, and algorithmic policing.\u003c\/b\u003e \u003cp\u003eWhat we see happening in Ferguson and other cities around the country is not the creation of livable spaces, but the creation of living hells. When people are trapped in a cycle of debt it also can affect their subjectivity and how they temporally inhabit the world by making it difficult for them to imagine and plan for the future. What psychic toll does this have on residents? How does it feel to be routinely dehumanized and exploited by the police?\u003cbr\u003e -from \u003ci\u003eCarceral Capitalism\u003c\/i\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eIn this collection of essays in Semiotext(e)'s Intervention series, Jackie Wang examines the contemporary incarceration techniques that have emerged since the 1990s. The essays illustrate various aspects of the carceral continuum, including the biopolitics of juvenile delinquency, predatory policing, the political economy of fees and fines, cybernetic governance, and algorithmic policing. Included in this volume is Wang's influential critique of liberal anti-racist politics, \"Against Innocence,\" as well as essays on \u003ci\u003eRoboCop\u003c\/i\u003e, techno-policing, and the aesthetic problem of making invisible forms of power legible.\u003c\/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eWang shows that the new racial capitalism begins with parasitic governance and predatory lending that extends credit only to dispossess later. Predatory lending has a decidedly spatial character and exists in many forms, including subprime mortgage loans, student loans for sham for-profit colleges, car loans, rent-to-own scams, payday loans, and bail bond loans. Parasitic governance, Wang argues, operates through five primary techniques- financial states of exception, automation, extraction and looting, confinement, and gratuitous violence. While these techniques of governance often involve physical confinement and the state-sanctioned execution of black Americans, new carceral modes have blurred the distinction between the inside and outside of prison. 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They are all 'debtors,' guilty and responsible in the eyes of capital, which has become the Great, the Universal, Creditor.\"\u003cbr\u003e -from \u003ci\u003eThe Making of the Indebted Man\u003c\/i\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDebt-both public debt and private debt-has become a major concern of economic and political leaders. In \u003ci\u003eThe Making of the Indebted Man\u003c\/i\u003e, Maurizio Lazzarato shows that, far from being a threat to the capitalist economy, debt lies at the very core of the neoliberal project. Through a reading of Karl Marx's lesser-known youthful writings on John Mill, and a rereading of writings by Friedrich Nietzsche, Gilles Deleuze, Felix Guattari, and Michel Foucault, Lazzarato demonstrates that debt is above all a political construction, and that the creditor\/debtor relation is the fundamental social relation of Western societies.\u003c\/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eDebt cannot be reduced to a simple economic mechanism, for it is also a technique of \"public safety\" through which individual and collective subjectivities are governed and controlled. Its aim is to minimize the uncertainty of the time and behavior of the governed. We are forever sinking further into debt to the State, to private insurance, and, on a more general level, to corporations. To insure that we honor our debts, we are at once encouraged and compelled to become the \"entrepreneurs\" of our lives, of our \"human capital.\" In this way, our entire material, psychological, and affective horizon is upended and reconfigured.\u003c\/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eHow do we extricate ourselves from this impossible situation? How do we escape the neoliberal condition of the indebted man? Lazzarato argues that we will have to recognize that there is no simple technical, economic, or financial solution. 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Governments and mass media bombard us with words and images: desert radicals, rogue states, jihadists, WMDs, existential enemies of freedom. We labor beneath myths that neither address nor describe the present situation, monstrous deceptions produced by a sound bite society. There is no reckoning of actuality, no understanding of the individual lives that inaugurated this echo chamber.\u003c\/p\u003e\u003cp\u003eIn the summer of 1999, Mohamed Atta defended a master's thesis that critiqued the introduction of Western-style skyscrapers in the Middle East and called for the return of the Islamic-Oriental city. Using this as a departure point, Jarett Kobek's novel ATA offers a fictionalized psychedelic biography of Mohamed Atta that circles around a simple question: what if 9\/11 was as much a matter of architectural criticism as religious terrorism? Following the development of a socially awkward boy into one of history's great villains, Kobek demonstrates the need for a new understanding of global terrorism. 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There is only a tangle of norms and mechanisms through which THEY hold together the scattered tatters of the global biopolitical fabric, through which THEY prevent its violent disintegration. Empire is the administrator of this desolation, the supreme manager of a process of listless implosion.-from Introduction to Civil War Society is not in crisis, society is at an end. The things we used to take for granted have all been vaporized. Politics was one of these things, a Greek invention that condenses around an equation- to hold a position means to take sides, and to take sides means to unleash civil war. Civil war, position, sides-these were all one word in the Greek- stasis. If the history of the modern state in all its forms-absolute, liberal, welfare-has been the continuous attempt to ward off this stasis, the great novelty of contemporary imperial power is its embrace of civil war as a technique of governance and disorder as a means of maintaining control. Where the modern state was founded on the institution of the law and its constellation of divisions, exclusions, and repressions, imperial power has replaced them with a network of norms and apparatuses that conspire in the production of the biopolitical citizens of Empire. In their first book available in English, Tiqqun explores the possibility of a new practice of communism, finding a foundation for an ontology of the common in the politics of friendship and the free play of forms-of-life. They see the ruins of society as the ideal setting for the construction of the community to come. In other words- the situation is excellent. 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Hocquenghem, founder and leader of the Front Homosexuel d'Action Revolutionnaire, vivisects not only the stifled mores of bourgeois capitalism but the phallocratic concessions of so-called homophiles, and, ultimately, the very act of speaking desire (and non-desire). Rejecting any pure theory of homosexuality that claims its otherness as a morphology of revolution, he contends that the ruling classes have invented homosexuality as a sexual ghetto, splitting and mutilating desire in the process. It is only when non-desire and the desire of desire are enacted simultaneously through speech and body that homosexuality can finally be sublimated under the true act of making love. There are thousands of sexes on earth, according to Hocquenghem, but only one sexual desire. 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In four interlinked essays, Kraus expands the argument begun in her earlier book Video Green that \"the art world is interesting only insofar as it reflects the larger world outside it.\" Moving from New York to Berlin to Los Angeles to the Pueblo Nuevo barrio of Mexicali, Kraus addresses such subjects as the ubiquity of video, the legacy of the 1960s Amsterdam underground newspaper Suck, and the activities of the New York art collective Bernadette Corporation. She examines the uses of boredom, poetry, privatized prisons, community art, corporate philanthropy, vertically integrated manufacturing, and discarded utopias, revealing the surprising persistence of microcultures within the matrix. 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In his newest book, Franco \"Bifo\" Berardi argues that the notion of economic recovery is complete mythology. The coming years will inevitably see new surges of protest and violence, but the old models of resistance no longer apply. Society can either stick with the prescriptions and \"rescues\" that the economic and financial sectors have demanded at the expense of social happiness, culture, and the public good; or it can formulate an alternative. For Berardi, this alternative lies in understanding the current crisis as something more fundamental than an economic crisis- it is a crisis of the social imagination, and demands a new language by which to address it.\u003c\/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eThis is a manifesto against the idea of growth, and against the concept of debt, the financial sector's two primary linguistic means of manipulating society. It is a call for exhaustion, and for resistance to the cult of energy on which today's economic free-floating market depends. 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It offers an interpretation of these events that goes beyond the artificial opposition between good and evil, between rulers and insurgents, and tries instead to understand the cruelty that normalizes atrocity. \u003cb\u003e\u003cbr\u003e\u003c\/b\u003eGonz lez Rodr guez warns us that this story has been repeated around the world, but we refuse to see it. If anyone doubts or denies this, then I challenge them to finish this book. 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As farcical political elections continue to unfold worldwide like a line of tumbling dominoes, and governments increasingly struggle to reclaim a legitimacy that has already slipped out of their grasp, \u003ci\u003eNow\u003c\/i\u003e clarifies the Invisible Committee's attitude toward all such elections and their outcome- one of utter indifference. \u003ci\u003eNow\u003c\/i\u003e proposes a \"destituent process\" that charts out a different path to be taken, a path of outright refusal that simply ignores elections altogether. It is a path that calls for taking over the world and not taking power, for exploring new forms of life and not a new constitution, and for desertion and silence as alternatives to proclamations and crashes. 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Nietzsche offered a philosophical declaration of independence from humility, a meeting-point of sobriety and megalomania that for Sloterdijk has come to define the very project of philosophy.\u003c\/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eYet for all the significance of this language-event named Nietzsche, Nietzsche's contributions have too often been elided and the contradictions at the root of his philosophy too often edited out. As Sloterdijk observes, \"Never has an author so insisted on distinction and yet attracted such vulgarity.\" \u003ci\u003eNietzsche Apostle\u003c\/i\u003e, drawn from a speech Sloterdijk gave in 2000 on the hundredth anniversary of Nietzsche's death, looks at the ways in which Nietzsche has been branded over the years through selective compilation, and at the ways in which Nietzsche turned himself into a brand-a brand announced by his proclaimed \"fifth Gospel,\" \u003ci\u003eThus Spoke Zarathustra\u003c\/i\u003e. 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Seven years later, The Invisible Committee follows up their premonitory manifesto with a new book, \u003ci\u003eTo Our Friends\u003c\/i\u003e.\u003c\/p\u003e \u003cp\u003eFrom The Invisible Committee:\u003c\/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003ci\u003eIn 2007 we published\u003c\/i\u003e The Coming Insurrection \u003ci\u003ein France. It must be acknowledged that a number of assertions by the Invisible Committee have since been confirmed, starting with the first and most essential: the sensational return of the insurrectionary phenomenon. Who would have bet a kopeck, seven years ago, on the overthrow of Ben Ali or Mubarak through street action, on the revolt of young people in Quebec, on the political awakening of Brazil, on the fires set French-style in the English or Swedish\u003c\/i\u003e banlieues\u003ci\u003e, on the creation of an insurrectionary commune in the very heart of Istanbul, on a movement of plaza occupations in the United States, or on the rebellion that spread throughout Greece in December of 2008?\u003c\/i\u003e\u003c\/p\u003e \u003cp\u003e\u003ci\u003eDuring the seven years that separate\u003c\/i\u003e The Coming Insurrection \u003ci\u003efrom\u003c\/i\u003e To Our Friends\u003ci\u003e, the agents of the Invisible Committee have continued to fight, to organize, to transport themselves to the four corners of the world, to wherever the fires were lit, and to debate with comrades of every tendency and every country. 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