{"title":"Trends In Southeast Asia","description":"\u003cp\u003eDelve into the complex and rapidly evolving landscape of Southeast Asia. This insightful series explores key trends shaping the region's societies, economies, and political dynamics. Discover compelling perspectives now.\u003c\/p\u003e","products":[{"product_id":"ge14-will-urban-malays-support-pakatan-harapan-book-wan-saiful-wan-jan-9789814818513","title":"GE14: Will Urban Malays Support Pakatan Harapan?","description":"In Malaysia’s last general election, urban voters tended to support the opposition coalition — 72 of the 97 urban parliamentary seats were in fact won by it. However, most of these seats have a mixed demography, with a high percentage of ethnic Chinese voters.   In the upcoming general election, Pakatan has a good chance of winning the federal government if Malay voters join their Chinese counterparts in supporting the opposition coalition. A subsequent so-called “Malay tsunami” could lead to a Pakatan victory.   This present study, which is based on a series of focus group discussions held in the Malaysian states of Kedah and Johor, finds that urban Malay voters are very unhappy with the economic condition of the country and are also worried about corruption.   But despite their grouses, they are still uncertain about supporting the opposition coalition due to the fear of losing the race-based privileges they enjoy as ethnic Malays.","brand":"WoB","offers":[{"title":"GB \/ NEW \/ GARDNERS","offer_id":49737216098577,"sku":"NGR9789814818513","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0784\/4072\/6801\/files\/9814818518.jpg?v=1751385860"},{"product_id":"quality-equity-autonomy-book-lee-hwok-aun-9789814881173","title":"Quality, Equity, Autonomy","description":null,"brand":"WoB","offers":[{"title":"GB \/ NEW \/ GARDNERS","offer_id":49737513402641,"sku":"NGR9789814881173","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0784\/4072\/6801\/files\/9814881171.jpg?v=1750969548"},{"product_id":"how-will-shifts-in-american-foreign-policy-affect-southeast-asia-book-daljit-singh-9789814881333","title":"How Will Shifts in American Foreign Policy Affect Southeast Asia?","description":"A new phase in US foreign policy, in which China is viewed as a major threat to American economic and security interests, has begun under the Trump administration.   The strong anti-China sentiment is accompanied by efforts to “decouple” from China. If carried too far, they will alienate allies and friends whose cooperation the US will need in order to compete with China.   In the broader American foreign policy community, there is an intense ongoing debate on how strong the push-back against China should be. Both moderates and hawks agree on the need for a “tougher” approach but differ on the degree and method of toughness. No coherent strategy has been possible partly because President Trump’s thinking does not always accord with that of his own administration and partly because it is still too early in the day to come out with well-thought-out policies to support such a major change in foreign policy direction.   The ongoing adjustments to global policy and strategy will therefore continue as the security focus shifts to the Indo-Pacific region. The “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” concept provides some signs of the broad direction policy may take but its vital economic dimension is still missing.   There is greater recognition in Washington of the importance of Southeast Asia. Located in the middle of Indo-Pacific, it will be a contested zone between China and the US and its allies. The US will step up its public diplomacy to better promote its own narrative in Southeast Asia.   Under the Trump administration, the importance of the South China Sea to the US has risen.   The US will remain a powerful factor in Asia despite Trump and problems at home. China is not on an inevitable path of dominance given its own significant domestic challenges.","brand":"WoB","offers":[{"title":"GB \/ NEW \/ GARDNERS","offer_id":49738948804881,"sku":"NGR9789814881333","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0784\/4072\/6801\/files\/9814881333.jpg?v=1763473397"},{"product_id":"free-and-open-indo-pacific-strategy-outlook-book-david-arase-9789814881135","title":"Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy Outlook","description":"The United States launched a new Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) strategy in late 2017 after reluctantly concluding that its patient effort to engage and socialize China to the rules-based order since 1972 had failed. China’s behaviour since 2009 convinced the United States that China is a revisionist power seeking to impose an authoritarian model of governance in Asia which, if successful, would end the rules-based order in the Indo-Pacific as well as endanger US security and vital trade interests.  The new US FOIP strategy initiative seeks to engage like-minded nations in economic, security (both traditional and non-traditional), and political governance partnerships to construct a collaborative and scalable network of relations that will be able to respond flexibly to meet a wide range of stakeholder needs and regional contingencies across the Indo-Pacific region.  The United States occupies a peak organizing role in this network and works with a hierarchy of partners distributed throughout the vast Indo-Pacific to meet the economic, security, and governance capacity needs of network members at any level. The rules-based order is the “operating system” of this network approach, and so the network itself sustains the rules-based order for its members as a collective good. FOIP is more like a club that generates rules-based order benefits for its members and as such has little in common with Cold War bloc politics and containment strategy.  Bearing in mind that FOIP is only in its start-up phase and is likely to gather momentum going forward; that the elements of this network strategy are already in place; and that the United States and its main FOIP partners together have considerable material, organizational, and soft power resources, one may say that its prospects for long-term sustainability and success are not bad.","brand":"WoB","offers":[{"title":"GB \/ NEW \/ GARDNERS","offer_id":49739212980497,"sku":"NGR9789814881135","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0784\/4072\/6801\/files\/9814881139.jpg?v=1751160754"},{"product_id":"advocacy-in-a-time-of-change-book-michael-t-schaper-9789814881821","title":"Advocacy in a Time of Change","description":"There are at least 80-100 business associations in Malaysia today, representing over 600,000 firms. In February to April 2020, a range of chamber leaders and officers were interviewed to record their experiences of the recent Pakatan Harapan administration, and any future lessons for business associations in post GE-14 Malaysia.","brand":"WoB","offers":[{"title":"GB \/ NEW \/ GARDNERS","offer_id":49739360010513,"sku":"NGR9789814881821","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0784\/4072\/6801\/files\/9814881821.jpg?v=1763475677"},{"product_id":"china-s-evolving-policy-towards-the-chinese-diaspora-in-southeast-asia-book-wu-xiao-an-9789814881197","title":"China's Evolving Policy Towards the Chinese Diaspora in Southeast Asia","description":"China's policy towards its diaspora is primarily governed by its national interests and foreign policy imperatives. In general, since the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949, the Chinese government has treated the diaspora as an asset, rather than a liability.","brand":"WoB","offers":[{"title":"GB \/ NEW \/ GARDNERS","offer_id":49739421548817,"sku":"NGR9789814881197","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0784\/4072\/6801\/files\/9814881198.jpg?v=1751453207"},{"product_id":"free-and-open-indo-pacific-beyond-2020-book-john-lee-9789814881692","title":"The Free and Open Indo-Pacific Beyond 2020","description":"American Indo-Pacific policy will be driven by its China policy, regardless of whether there is a second-term Donald Trump administration or a first-term Joe Biden administration. This book reflects on this issue.","brand":"WoB","offers":[{"title":"GB \/ NEW \/ GARDNERS","offer_id":49740717457681,"sku":"NGR9789814881692","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0784\/4072\/6801\/files\/9814881694.jpg?v=1763481928"},{"product_id":"malaysia-s-student-loan-company-book-wan-saiful-wan-jan-9789814881678","title":"Malaysia's Student Loan Company","description":"\u003cp\u003eThe Malaysian National Higher Education Fund Corporation (PTPTN) was set up in 1997. Since then, it has accumulated a massive debt amounting to RM40 billion in principal plus RM13 billion in interest. All these are guaranteed by the Malaysian government.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e It is now the biggest provider of student loans in the country and continues to play a very important role in catalysing socio-economic mobility, especially among the ethnic Malays which is the majority community in the country.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e However, the business model employed by PTPTN is irrational and unsustainable. It borrows from the financial market at, on average, 4 to 5 per cent, and lends to students at 1 per cent. No serious effort has been made to revamp this model, and all public discussions around it have been driven by political populism.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e The biggest challenge is the low repayment rate. This problem has been ignored because Malaysian politicians of all colours have wanted to maintain popularity. Collecting debt is certainly not popular.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e PTPTN, under a new leadership since mid-2018, gathered and developed ideas on how to reform their organization. These ideas have been presented to various levels of government, including to the Cabinet in early 2020.\u003cbr\u003e PTPTN must be reformed to avoid its debt from inflating further. Whether the Malaysian government has the much-needed political will to push through the reforms is a question yet to be answered.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"WoB","offers":[{"title":"GB \/ NEW \/ GARDNERS","offer_id":49740732301585,"sku":"NGR9789814881678","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0784\/4072\/6801\/files\/9814881678.jpg?v=1763485186"},{"product_id":"explaining-china-s-2-7-initiative-towards-asean-book-david-arase-9789814620789","title":"Explaining China's 2+7 Initiative Towards ASEAN","description":"China's 2+7 Initiative towards ASEAN aims to create an economic, security and political partnership that will be deeper than ASEAN's partnerships with other external powers. This partnership would be inherently unequal and China's effort to secure this relationship should be seen in the context of China's agenda to achieve great power status.","brand":"WoB","offers":[{"title":"- \/ - \/ -","offer_id":50464632799505,"sku":"","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":true},{"title":"GB \/ VERY_GOOD \/ INTERNAL","offer_id":50464633913617,"sku":"GOR013776757","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0784\/4072\/6801\/files\/9814620785.jpg?v=1751352287"},{"product_id":"indonesian-military-enjoys-strong-public-trust-and-support-book-burhanuddin-muhtadi-9789815011999","title":"The Indonesian Military Enjoys Strong Public Trust and Support","description":"\u003cp\u003eOpinion polls in Indonesia have repeatedly shown that the Indonesian National Army (TNI) is the state institution that enjoys the highest level of public trust. This is not something that is exclusive to Indonesia, however; according to several studies, people around the world place a higher level of trust in their military than they do in other institutions.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Even though there has been a surge of writing, both scholarly and non-scholarly, on this subject, there is a lack of information regarding the reasons why people put more faith in the military than in other institutions. Moreover, in Indonesia, public trust in the military has not been shaken despite the extensive anti-military campaigns that have been waged by the media and activists.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Consistent with previous works, the findings of my September 2021 survey indicate that the TNI has continued to enjoy the highest level of public trust among state institutions when compared to other political and social institutions. The respondents are also of the opinion that the military has been acting in the public's best interests.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Two of the five factors analysed as potential determinants of trust consistently and significantly explain the level of public trust in the TNI. First, respondents will have greater faith in the TNI the more they disagree with assertions that alleged human rights violations are the result of foreign interference or foreign fabrication. The public views human rights violations by the military as an unfinished internal reform task for the TNI; consequently, the public expects the military not to deflect blame onto external parties. Professionalism is also a significant predictor of public trust and confidence in the TNI being at the vanguard of representing the people's interests.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e High levels of public trust in the military over the past few years have been followed by a rise in public support for a military government and strongman leaders. This trend occurs in the context of several worrisome factors, such as a reversal in the democratic consolidation process, President Joko Widodo's (Jokowi) lack of ideological commitment to democracy, and the growing involvement of the military in non-traditional roles.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"WoB","offers":[{"title":"- \/ - \/ -","offer_id":50630722912529,"sku":"","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":true},{"title":"GB \/ NEW \/ GARDNERS","offer_id":50630724419857,"sku":"NGR9789815011999","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0784\/4072\/6801\/files\/9815011995.jpg?v=1763482644"},{"product_id":"orientation-of-chinese-newspapers-in-indonesia-as-china-rises-book-leo-suryadinata-9789815104363","title":"The Orientation of Chinese Newspapers in Indonesia As China Rises","description":"\u003cp\u003eThis paper examines the impact of globalization and a rising China, among other factors, on the political orientation of Chinese-language newspapers in Indonesia.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Chinese newspapers in Indonesia have had a long trajectory, moving from a China-oriented focus to an Indonesia-oriented one over the course of Indonesian history. Their content has grown beyond the local to become regional in its outlook.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e The recent rise of China has been having a profound impact on Chinese newspapers in Indonesia. Many of their articles are pro-China while attempting to maintain the delicate balance and being Indonesia-oriented at the same time.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e With the community of Chinese-speaking Indonesian Chinese shrinking due to age, the Chinese-language dailies face challenges in circulation. The older generation that frequents them possesses significantly strong economic power, however, and while new migrants from China and ethnic Chinese from other Southeast Asian countries also read these dailies, their numbers are relatively small.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e As more and more newspaper editors, journalists and writers are now foreigners instead of being local-born, the Chinese-language newspapers in Indonesia may become newspapers for the overseas Chinese.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"WoB","offers":[{"title":"- \/ - \/ -","offer_id":50630728188177,"sku":"","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":true},{"title":"GB \/ NEW \/ GARDNERS","offer_id":50630729826577,"sku":"NGR9789815104363","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0784\/4072\/6801\/files\/9815104365.jpg?v=1763481541"},{"product_id":"explaining-pas-s-dominance-in-kelantan-book-azmil-tayeb-9789815011951","title":"Explaining PAS's Dominance in Kelantan","description":"\u003cp\u003eThe Islamic political party Pan-Malaysia Islamic Party (Parti Islam Se-Malaysia, PAS) has governed the state of Kelantan on the northeastern coast of peninsular Malaysia for most of Malaysia's post-independence history.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Until 2020, PAS functioned as an opposition party at the federal level, going against the government led by its long-time nemesis the politically stronger and better resourced United Malays National Organisation (UMNO). The David-versus-Goliath story has made PAS's longevity and durability in Kelantan all the more impressive for having endured decades of marginalization by the federal government. This has to an extent led to the state's laggard developmental growth and poor socio-economic indicators.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e PAS has often been portrayed by the mainstream media as an anachronistic and extremist party ill-equipped to cope with, much less solve, the myriad challenges faced by modern society.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Notwithstanding PAS's shortcomings, this article provides an analysis of the factors that have allowed the party to remain in power in Kelantan for so long. It argues that after winning back Kelantan from UMNO in 1990, PAS transformed itself into a modern, well-oiled political machine, particularly when it comes to socializing its agenda to the people of Kelantan and reaching out to many out-of-state Kelantan voters.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"WoB","offers":[{"title":"- \/ - \/ -","offer_id":51384731173137,"sku":"","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":true},{"title":"GB \/ NEW \/ GARDNERS","offer_id":51384732614929,"sku":"NGR9789815011951","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0784\/4072\/6801\/files\/9815011952.jpg?v=1750936540"},{"product_id":"young-hearts-and-minds-book-james-chai-9789815104288","title":"Young Hearts and Minds","description":"\u003cp\u003eThe 15th general election (GE15) in Malaysia produced surprising results. The conservative coalition of PN emerged as the dark horse of the election, overtaking the longest-ruling coalition, BN, by a significant margin. The two largest coalitions post-GE15, PH and PN, represent ideological opposites, which may spell a polarized future for Malaysian youths. This paper intends to understand what happened to the youth votes and provide possible hypotheses for future trends.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e In West Malaysia, constituencies with a larger share of young voters (under 30 years old) registered a higher voter turnout rate. A majority of seats with 30 per cent or more of voters under 30 years old (considered \"young\" seats) were won by PN, followed by PH, and thirdly BN. This demonstrated PN's relatively stronger hold on young seats in GE15. Discrepancies between pre-GE15 survey findings and actual results could be explained by the Shy PN factor--or PN-leaning voters' reticence towards revealing their preference--and a swing from BN to PN.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Of all voter groups, PN voters have shown the highest loyalty and affinity to their coalition of choice, largely led by PAS voters. This is followed by PH and then BN, where the latter has shown the lowest support durability and the highest likelihood of swing. Unsurprisingly, voters from the opposite ends of the ideological spectrum of PN and PH share a high degree of coldness towards each other, implying that a middle ground will be hard to reach between the two voter groups.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Increasingly, a clean and Islamic government would become a feature that Malay youth voters would favour. PN currently fits this trend the best, although this may change depending on the political climate. BN had over the years lost its clean government credentials, especially with the criminal charges against its party leaders, whereas PH continues to struggle in shedding its image as being dominated by the Chinese community.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e PN and PH voters were almost equal in passive forms of political engagement such as following political news. However, PN consistently ranked higher in active political engagement and belief that their vote matters, which was probably what translated into a marginally higher voter turnout rate. Under all circumstances, BN voters were the least engaged, either actively or passively. In GE15, seats won by PN had a consistently higher median voter turnout rate than non-PN seats.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"WoB","offers":[{"title":"- \/ - \/ -","offer_id":51384883872017,"sku":"","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":true},{"title":"GB \/ NEW \/ GARDNERS","offer_id":51384885444881,"sku":"NGR9789815104288","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0784\/4072\/6801\/files\/9815104284.jpg?v=1763474770"},{"product_id":"eu-s-carbon-border-adjustment-mechanism-cbam-book-melinda-martinus-9789815104011","title":"The EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM)","description":"\u003cp\u003eThere is a growing policy trend that in addressing climate change, various trade measures must be implemented to enhance the sustainable practices of global stakeholders.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e As a response to level up the playing field of global trade partners in enhancing sustainability, the EU recently introduced the European Union (EU) Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM), which will impose a carbon price on certain imports, namely, electricity, aluminium, cement, iron and steel, and fertilizer, to the EU.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e The EU CBAM may, however, cause trade disputes among World Trade Organization (WTO) members.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e EU and ASEAN trade relations are currently on an upswing trajectory, and there are therefore some risks involved in implementing the EU CBAM in the ASEAN region.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e At the same time, despite the perceived adverse effects, there is room for improvement in communicating EU CBAM implementation in ASEAN.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e The EU should introduce more calibrated approaches to implementing the EU CBAM in ASEAN, particularly considering the political and strategic risks, economic development and capacity, and climate ambitions of individual ASEAN countries.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"WoB","offers":[{"title":"- \/ - \/ -","offer_id":51385503449361,"sku":"","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":true},{"title":"GB \/ NEW \/ GARDNERS","offer_id":51385504530705,"sku":"NGR9789815104011","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0784\/4072\/6801\/files\/9815104012.jpg?v=1750969567"},{"product_id":"can-malaysia-eliminate-forced-labour-by-2030-book-lee-hwok-aun-9789815104059","title":"Can Malaysia Eliminate Forced Labour by 2030?","description":"\u003cp\u003eForced labour, encompassing various types of coercive practices and rights violations, is an entrenched problem in Malaysia. Recent years have seen more decisive and concerted efforts to resolve the problem and repair Malaysia's damaged reputation, but the country's forced labour woes escalated amid COVID-19, with exposés and trade embargoes in 2020-21.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Most consequentially, the US has imposed withhold release orders (WROs) on major rubber glove manufacturers and palm oil producers. For two consecutive years, 2021-22, Malaysia has occupied the lowest Tier 3 in the US Trafficking in Persons report. In November 2021, the country's National Action Plan on Forced Labour (NAPFL), formulated through tripartite engagements with the participation of the International Labour Organization, was launched, with the third National Action Plan on Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP 3.0) operating in tandem.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e The NAPFL outlines strategies and integrated measures for eventually eliminating forced labour by 2030, which requires systemic solutions commensurate with the magnitude of underlying problems. Forced labour has persisted despite the official termination of labour outsourcing and increased intergovernmental bilateral initiatives to better manage foreign worker flows.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Continual challenges in the labour supply industry and the administrative system, including the problematic overlapping powers of the Ministry of Home Affairs and Ministry of Human Resources, complicate the creation and implementation of a more just, effective and accountable migrant worker system.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Government-to-government (G2) agreements, through Memorandum of Understanding, have become the established platform, but are marred by inconsistency and lack of transparency.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e The new government of Malaysia will need to address deep-seated issues and confront vested interests, domestically and in the labour source countries, to realize the aspiration of eliminating forced labour by 2030.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"WoB","offers":[{"title":"- \/ - \/ -","offer_id":51386551140625,"sku":"","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":true},{"title":"GB \/ NEW \/ GARDNERS","offer_id":51386552254737,"sku":"NGR9789815104059","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0784\/4072\/6801\/files\/9815104055.jpg?v=1763478340"},{"product_id":"indonesia-national-survey-project-2022-book-burhanuddin-muhtadi-9789815104097","title":"The Indonesia National Survey Project 2022","description":"\u003cp\u003eISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute has commissioned a second nationwide survey in Indonesia as a follow-up to the first similar project in 2017 called the Indonesia National Survey Project (INSP). Its broad aim is to enhance understanding of political, economic, and social developments in Indonesia. Its key findings are as follows:\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e The approval rating of President Joko Widodo hovers around 71.8 per cent, at least before the September 2022 announcement on the fuel subsidy cut. His major infrastructure push as his flagship development programme still garners the most positive assessment. However, poverty, unemployment and cost of living remain key flashpoints that the government should be concerned with.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e While respondents are generally aware of the plan to relocate the national capital and are more likely to agree rather than disagree with it, most have reservations about its urgency and the financial burden that such an undertaking implies.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Muslim countries such as Saudi Arabia and Turkey are the most admired by Indonesians, followed by Singapore. In view of the ongoing armed conflict in Europe, it is notable that Russia is more admired than the US and EU.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Where the rise of China is concerned, respondents who perceive a negative impact exceed those who perceive a positive one, which is a reversal of the trend found in the 2017 survey. At the same time, negative opinions towards China's Belt and Road Initiative is also more strongly evident than positive opinion.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e While Indonesian Muslims are generally devout practising Muslims, the majority do not harbour aspirations to make Indonesia an Islamic state, preferring instead the cultural inclusiveness currently in place.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Reservations about the political role of Chinese Indonesians continue to persist, and a majority do not support members of this community taking up key political positions.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Respondents are largely aware of climate change, environment and energy transition issues, and support government policies addressing them. However, the major challenge is seen to be in the promotion of lifestyle changes that will reduce damage to the environment.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"WoB","offers":[{"title":"- \/ - \/ -","offer_id":51386741784849,"sku":"","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":true},{"title":"GB \/ NEW \/ GARDNERS","offer_id":51386744275217,"sku":"NGR9789815104097","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0784\/4072\/6801\/files\/9815104098.jpg?v=1763474661"},{"product_id":"freedom-of-religion-in-malaysia-book-mohd-faizal-musa-9789815011616","title":"Freedom of Religion in Malaysia","description":"\u003cp\u003eArticle 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), published by the United Nations in 1948, states that \"everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance.\"\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Malaysia recently won its bid to sit on the United Nations Human Rights Council from 2022 to 2024. However, while the country's constitution is progressive in underlining the rights of religious minorities, this is severely lacking in practice as it exercises heavy regulation on religion, combined with restrictions on the practices of certain faiths.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Based on interviews and focus group discussions conducted in Malaysia, this paper uncovers the challenges faced by religious minorities in the country, and how treatment of them at the hands of religious authorities is illustrative of encroachments on their right to the freedom of religion. The groups that will be focused on are the Millah Ibrahim (Abrahamic Faith), the Baha'i faith, and the Ahmadiyah faith, all of which have been banned by the religious authorities.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e It was found that the three groups navigate their respective situations differently. For example, Millah Ibrahim adherents are very conscious of the repression that they face, and have resorted to propagating their teachings in secret and migrating to countries that are more lenient towards them. On the other hand, the Baha'i community feel they have relative freedom to practise their rituals despite the fatwa which bans their movement, and therefore do not see the need to take legal action against the authorities. This is in contrast to the Ahmadiyah adherents who use legal means (such as court cases) to counteract the repression towards them.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Considering the precarious position of these groups, it is recommended that religious authorities engage with these minority groups so as to deepen their understanding of these groups and to properly assess the perceived threat that they allegedly pose. Such engagement would also allow Malaysia to uphold its commitment to human rights.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"WoB","offers":[{"title":"- \/ - \/ -","offer_id":51386992591121,"sku":"","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":true},{"title":"GB \/ NEW \/ GARDNERS","offer_id":51386993836305,"sku":"NGR9789815011616","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0784\/4072\/6801\/files\/9815011618.jpg?v=1763476939"},{"product_id":"indonesia-s-moderate-muslim-websites-and-their-fight-against-online-islamic-extr-book-a-an-suryana-9789815104837","title":"Indonesia's Moderate Muslim Websites and Their Fight Against Online Islamic Extremism","description":"\u003cp\u003eIt is worrying that, in many cases in Indonesia, exposure to the Internet, especially social media, increases knowledge seekers' religious radicalism. This exposure has not only resulted in increased radicalism but also compelled some individuals to turn to violence in the name of Islam.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Moderate online media institutions have not been effective in counteracting the online dissemination of extremist religious content. The content disseminated by radical websites is still being popularly consumed, albeit those moderate Muslim websites have put in considerable effort to counteract radical narratives.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e This report argues that this ineffectiveness is due to structural and cultural challenges. The structural challenges include limited funding and sensitivity towards the policy of umbrella organizations. Cultural challenges include passiveness in corporate culture, alongside the \"ivory tower\" traditions among journalists which leaves them out of touch with Muslim communities.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e The government of Indonesia can assist moderate Muslim media websites in fighting radical narratives, for example, through better funding to them.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"WoB","offers":[{"title":"- \/ - \/ -","offer_id":51387047739665,"sku":"","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":true},{"title":"GB \/ NEW \/ GARDNERS","offer_id":51387048526097,"sku":"NGR9789815104837","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0784\/4072\/6801\/files\/9815104837.jpg?v=1750775706"},{"product_id":"gvc-reconfiguration-book-sithanonxay-suvannaphakdy-9789815104110","title":"GVC Reconfiguration","description":"\u003cp\u003eThe COVID-19 pandemic, geopolitical tensions and US-China trade disputes, and the Russia-Ukraine war have increased the risk of global value chain (GVC) disruptions and forced firms to strengthen resilience in their supply chains and operations.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e MNCs have diversified suppliers, established new production sites, and shifted production closer to consumers. ASEAN countries are becoming increasingly attractive destinations for foreign investors.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e This paper gauges the position of ASEAN in GVCs and assesses the risks and opportunities of GVC reconfiguration for ASEAN countries. ASEAN countries are increasing their participation in GVCs and raising domestic value-added. The relocation of production sites from China to ASEAN countries could enhance their participation in GVCs. Should MNCs increase the concentration of supplier and buyer markets, ASEAN countries could become more vulnerable to external shocks.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e In addition, this paper assesses the risk of thirty-five sectors of GVCs in ASEAN countries using value-added trade data from ADB's multi-region input-output tables (MRIO).\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, the Philippines and Thailand face significant risks of both supplier and buyer market concentrations. The remaining ASEAN countries face the risk of either supplier market concentration or buyer market concentration.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Any restrictions on the use of intermediate inputs from the US or China to manufacture goods in ASEAN can cause substantial disruption to ASEAN GVCs. The upstream and downstream GVCs in ASEAN countries are dominated by the US, China and Japan.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Extraregional trade integration could be enhanced by linking keysuppliers and buyers in China, the US, and Japan to producers inASEAN countries.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Trade policy measures to strengthen ASEAN GVCs should focus on a faster release of perishable goods and intermediate inputs at border checkpoints, accelerating the cross-border paperless trade reforms, promoting the utilization of rules of origins under RCEP, streamlining non-tariff measures, and digitalizing ASEAN GVCs.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"WoB","offers":[{"title":"- \/ - \/ -","offer_id":51387113242897,"sku":"","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":true},{"title":"GB \/ NEW \/ GARDNERS","offer_id":51387114586385,"sku":"NGR9789815104110","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0784\/4072\/6801\/files\/981510411X.jpg?v=1757760380"},{"product_id":"post-islamism-battles-political-islam-in-malaysia-book-mohd-faizal-musa-9789815104875","title":"Post-Islamism Battles Political Islam in Malaysia","description":"\u003cp\u003eDuring the 15th general election (GE15) in 2022 and the state elections in 2023, the clash between Anwar Ibrahim and PAS reached new heights. This can be viewed as a battle between political Islam and post-Islamism.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Political Islam as embodied by PAS pursues the establishment of an Islamic state, while post-Islamism as represented by Anwar Ibrahim is a way of balancing the ambitions of Islam with secular approaches.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e While PAS has been consistent in espousing political Islam since its establishment, Anwar Ibrahim's approach to the role of Islam in politics has changed since his early days in UMNO. Evolving from an Islamist involved in state-led Islamization to a post-Islamist, he now espouses democratic values and multiculturalism.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e GE15 and the 2023 state elections witnessed fierce competition between PAS and Anwar Ibrahim. Both sides either escalated or downplayed crucial topics such as the implementation of hudud law and RUU355, the myth of Islam and Malays being under threat, the claim that states under PAS are discriminated against, and the takfiri denouncements of non-Muslims as election candidates or potential leaders of the country.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e The results of GE15 and the 2023 state elections between PAS and Anwar Ibrahim, who is now prime minister, show that there will certainly be sequels to come. The elections illustrate that political Islam is growing in strength. This is most evident in the fact that PAS currently has a whopping forty-three seats in the Malaysian parliament, and controls four states. The only way Anwar Ibrahim can remain in power is through assistance from PAS' old nemesis, UMNO, a party heavily tainted by corruption.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"WoB","offers":[{"title":"- \/ - \/ -","offer_id":51387337310481,"sku":"","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":true},{"title":"GB \/ NEW \/ GARDNERS","offer_id":51387338522897,"sku":"NGR9789815104875","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0784\/4072\/6801\/files\/981510487X.jpg?v=1763485107"},{"product_id":"global-methane-pledge-a-review-of-data-policy-and-transparency-in-reducing-metha-book-matthew-ashfold-9789815104790","title":"Global Methane Pledge: a Review of Data, Policy and Transparency in Reducing Methane Emissions in Malaysia","description":"\u003cp\u003eMalaysia is a signatory of the Global Methane Pledge, but the implications for national action on methane emissions remain unclear. We reviewed publicly available literature and data, arriving at the following key findings:\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e 1. \u003ci\u003eThere is no clear national plan for methane action yet.\u003c\/i\u003e Since signing the Pledge in 2021, there has been no demonstrable government initiative focusing on joined-up methane action at the national level. Malaysia does not have a methane strategy or policy, and sector-specific regulations focusing on methane emissions are either not present, vague, or publicly inaccessible.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e 2. \u003ci\u003eThere are indications emissions are falling due to positive corporate action.\u003c\/i\u003e Effective methane reduction initiatives exist in Malaysia's top two methane-emitting sectors, oil and gas and palm oil, and key players have committed to net zero pathways with methane reductions central to progress to 2030. Emissions should be expected to rapidly fall further if action can be scaled across all industry players.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e 3. \u003ci\u003eQuantifying reductions with confidence remains challenging.\u003c\/i\u003e Different reporting approaches and incomplete information on assumptions and uncertainties in quantification approaches, make independent analyses of reported emissions challenging. Wider deployment of measurement-based emission quantification is a key option to improve confidence in progress.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e 4. \u003ci\u003eImprovements in corporate Monitoring, Reporting, and Verification (MRV) in the coming years are expected.\u003c\/i\u003e While some corporate standards remain confidential, key companies have joined international frameworks featuring transparency and MRV measures like the Oil and Gas Methane Partnership 2.0 and, in a broader climate context, the evolving Science Based Targets initiative. Improved corporate MRV should enable improved national emissions reporting.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e 5. \u003ci\u003eMethane reduction is a \"low-hanging fruit\".\u003c\/i\u003e Methane is a major initial lever to reduce greenhouse gas emissions up to 2030 in the climate plans of leading Malaysian industry players. Action to improve methane-related processes in the key oil and gas and palm oil sectors thus presents a valuable opportunity for Malaysia to contribute to global climate mitigation within its long-term national interests. Therefore, decisive methane action is needed even while plans for further crucial greenhouse gas emission reductions are developed and articulated in more detail.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"WoB","offers":[{"title":"- \/ - \/ -","offer_id":51387579498769,"sku":"","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":true},{"title":"GB \/ NEW \/ GARDNERS","offer_id":51387580580113,"sku":"NGR9789815104790","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0784\/4072\/6801\/files\/9815104799.jpg?v=1750732745"},{"product_id":"labour-politics-of-app-based-driving-in-vietnam-book-joe-buckley-9789815104851","title":"The Labour Politics of App-Based Driving in Vietnam","description":"\u003cp\u003eOver the past decade, app-based driving services like ride-hailing and delivery have become an integral part of business, employment and daily life in Vietnam. This growth, however, has been accompanied by tensions and conflicts between ride-hailing platforms and traditional taxi companies, \u003ci\u003exe ôm\u003c\/i\u003e (motorbike taxi drivers), the authorities and the drivers working for these platforms.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Most drivers on these services are male and work long hours for low wages. Their working conditions are precarious because platforms classify them as partners rather than employees, denying them basic rights and benefits. Although platforms offer bonuses, organize events to celebrate drivers' contributions, and provide training courses, these do not address the fundamental exploitation in the employment relationship.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e The Ministry of Labour, Invalids and Social Affairs (MOLISA) has not taken sufficient action to protect drivers or taken a stance on whether they should be classified as contractors or employees. The Vietnam General Confederation of Labour (VGCL) is working towards securing social protection for drivers and increasing their representation in labour associations. While some members of the VGCL have argued that app-based drivers are actually workers and should be afforded the same rights and benefits as all workers, this is as yet not the formal position of the confederation.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Drivers have taken to organizing strikes and protests to demand better treatment from the platforms. Their methods of activism are rooted in both traditional Vietnamese labour activism and global trends of platform protest.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e The emergence of the gig economy in Vietnam is a challenge to sustainable development. Policymakers and practitioners are called upon to ensure that platform work contributes to improved livelihoods and decent lifestyles for all.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"WoB","offers":[{"title":"- \/ - \/ -","offer_id":51388171026705,"sku":"","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":true},{"title":"GB \/ NEW \/ GARDNERS","offer_id":51388171256081,"sku":"NGR9789815104851","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0784\/4072\/6801\/files\/9815104853.jpg?v=1763477793"},{"product_id":"bruneian-youths-on-social-media-book-siti-mazidah-mohamad-9789815104448","title":"Bruneian Youths on Social Media","description":"\u003cp\u003eIn the past fi ve years, Brunei Darussalam's socio-cultural landscape has witnessed a signifi cant transformation,creating social and economic opportunities for Bruneians. Social media sites such as Instagram, Twitter andTikTok have become spaces and sites for racial, political and religious engagements in Bruneian society.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Digitally connected young people and their engagements on various social media platforms are major catalystsin this transformation. They actively share their social and religious practices and, in the process, create newdiscourses that are effectively reshaping the nation's socio-cultural, religious and political landscape.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e This article examines three trends in Bruneian youths' social media engagements: digital civic engagement andsocial justice; self-expression and infl uencing culture; and new religious expressions and lived religiosities.\u003cbr\u003e Based on these trends, we can expect further evolution of youth culture carrying signifi cance for the nation'sdevelopment.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e The social consciousness and mobility of these young people are effectively measured through a study of thefl uidity of their identity, ideas and practices.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"WoB","offers":[{"title":"- \/ - \/ -","offer_id":51626990731537,"sku":"","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":true},{"title":"GB \/ NEW \/ GARDNERS","offer_id":51626990993681,"sku":"NGR9789815104448","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0784\/4072\/6801\/files\/9815104446.jpg?v=1763485300"},{"product_id":"evolution-of-madani-how-is-2-0-different-from-1-0-book-mohd-faizal-musa-9789815104899","title":"The Evolution of Madani: How Is 2.0 Different from 1.0?","description":"\u003cp\u003eIn 1995, then Finance Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim introduced \"Masyarakat Madani\" as his proposed economic framework for Malaysia. The term was heavily debated among scholars and politicians across all parties and ideologies. It was often argued that Madani was an effort to limit the rise of political Islam.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Following Anwar Ibrahim's dismissal from government in 1998, Madani came to be more narrowly redefined as \"civil society\". However, Anwar's supporters, known as the \"Anwarinas\", strove to keep the spirit of Madani alive and continued to promote its ideals of social justice, democratic values and inclusivity. They were encouraged further by the fall of Barisan Nasional from federal power in the 14th General Election in 2018.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e After Anwar Ibrahim became Malaysia's tenth Prime Minister in 2022, he reintroduced Madani as a framework for the country, to be implemented in various sectors. Anwar Ibrahim likely received help from scholars such as Ziauddin Sardar, as reflected in his election manifesto, Script for a Better Malaysia. This time around, the core component of Madani is Maqasid Al-Shariah, or the higher objectives of sharia.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e In that sense, Madani is now arguably more an expression of what may be called post-Islamism. For it to succeed, however, it will have to counteract the growing power of the conservatives and Islamists. This may be an uphill battle, given that a key component party of the unity government--UMNO--is facing several allegations of corruption.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"WoB","offers":[{"title":"- \/ - \/ -","offer_id":51627240489233,"sku":"","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":true},{"title":"GB \/ NEW \/ GARDNERS","offer_id":51627240784145,"sku":"NGR9789815104899","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":true}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0784\/4072\/6801\/files\/9815104896.jpg?v=1750732745"},{"product_id":"johor-sultanate-book-francis-e-hutchinson-9789814762793","title":"The Johor Sultanate","description":"Malaysia's sultans have in recent years taken on an increasingly discernible role in the country's political life. The Sultan of Johor, Ibrahim Ismail, is arguably the most visible of the country's rulers at present. Since ascending to the throne in 2010, he has constructed a prominent media profile and been active in many areas of policy-making. This volume examines his influence.","brand":"WoB","offers":[{"title":"- \/ - \/ -","offer_id":51627440767249,"sku":"","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":true},{"title":"GB \/ VERY_GOOD \/ INTERNAL","offer_id":51627441160465,"sku":"GOR013993231","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0784\/4072\/6801\/files\/9814762792.jpg?v=1751191247"},{"product_id":"terrorism-in-indonesia-and-the-perceived-oppression-of-muslims-worldwide-book-prakoso-permono-9789815104813","title":"Terrorism in Indonesia and the Perceived Oppression of Muslims Worldwide","description":"Various motivations underlying terrorism uncovered by recent scholarship include the radicals' desire for Muslim unity, political interest, yearning to correct social and economic deprivation in the Muslim world, and simply anti-Westernism.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e This article focuses on the radicals' call for Muslim solidarity and how this tends towards becoming their primary motivation for perpetrating terrorism. It discusses how radical groups and individuals exaggerate the perceived oppression of Muslims worldwide and how this encourages their sympathizers in planning, fundraising and\/or executing terrorist attacks.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e The so-called ummah solidarity discourse is coupled with the prevalence of the dogma that Muslims are targets of Western or foreign oppression. This has legitimized jihadist terrorists' use of violence and facilitated the recruitment of new terrorists.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Besides regular crackdowns on terrorists and putting limitations on access to radical websites and other Internet sources, this article contends that the Indonesian security apparatuses and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs must work with the embassies from India, China and Myanmar based in Jakarta to nullify any likelihood of terror attacks on their embassy compounds or their citizens.","brand":"WoB","offers":[{"title":"- \/ - \/ -","offer_id":51627528945937,"sku":"","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":true},{"title":"GB \/ NEW \/ GARDNERS","offer_id":51627529830673,"sku":"NGR9789815104813","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0784\/4072\/6801\/files\/9815104810.jpg?v=1763483592"},{"product_id":"rhizome-vs-regime-book-yatun-sastramidjaja-9789815104202","title":"Rhizome Vs Regime","description":"\u003cp\u003eIn Indonesia, Thailand and Myanmar, democratic regression and the reconsolidation of authoritarian regimes have triggered the rise of social media-driven protest movements. These are pioneered by a new generation of activist youth, distinguishing themselves from previous student and youth movements by the digitally mediated, decentralized and diverse nature of their protest.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e While experimenting with digitally mediated repertoires of action adopted and adapted from similar struggles elsewhere, these protesters forge transnational links that give rise to new protest assemblages across and beyond the region. This is exemplified by the social media-based #MilkTeaAlliance, in which the distinct protests in Indonesia, Thailand, Myanmar and other countries are conjoined through extended solidarity and affinity ties in a common \"generational\" struggle against entrenched authoritarianism. The youth resistance in Hong Kong was instrumental in driving this trend.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Like a \"rhizome\" (Deleuze and Guattari 1987), these movements are characterized by connectivity, heterogeneity, multiplicity and \"unbreakable\" expansion. This allows for a fluid participation of various activist and non-activist groups (such as K-poppers) and the inclusion of various issues and demands in the protest, which merge into the cause of fighting systemic injustice. It also heightens the movements' viability and resilience to repression.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e However, besides physical repression, protesters in all three countries face the added challenge of new modes of cyber-repression. The combined effect of repressive cyber laws, intrusive cyber surveillance and aggressive cyber troops took its toll on the protest movements' capacities for online agitation and mobilization, thus contributing to the movements' silencing and suppression. Yet, the resistance did not die out, as activists dodge cyber-repression and make creative uses of digital media and technologies to cultivate their resistance online, at the grassroots level, or in the cultural sphere.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Meanwhile, as long as authorities remain repressive and tone-deaf to this generation's criticism and concerns, the gulf between them looks set to widen. The longer-term implication is that this generation will remain alienated and continue to express their struggle in novel and unpredictable ways.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"WoB","offers":[{"title":"- \/ - \/ -","offer_id":51629285966097,"sku":"","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":true},{"title":"GB \/ NEW \/ GARDNERS","offer_id":51629286981905,"sku":"NGR9789815104202","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0784\/4072\/6801\/files\/9815104209.jpg?v=1763478659"},{"product_id":"tides-of-insecurity-book-phan-xuan-dung-9789815104158","title":"Tides of Insecurity","description":"\u003cp\u003eWhile the South China Sea dispute remains Vietnam's top security concern, the country also confronts a variety of growing non-traditional threats, such as illegal fishing, maritime violence, smuggling, ecological degradation and climate change.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e These issues adversely affect Vietnam's external relations, socio-economic development, marine ecosystems and political stability, while engendering and exacerbating regional tensions.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e In response, at the national level, Vietnam has focused on building a blue economy and strengthening its law enforcement capacity.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e At the international level, Vietnam has participated in a variety of bilateral and multilateral cooperative mechanisms. However, these efforts have been impeded by internal and external factors, such as corruption, inadequate capacity and lack of budget, as well as ASEAN's institutional limitations and sovereignty sensitivities.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e To better confront these multifaceted maritime issues, Vietnam will need to (1) formulate a comprehensive national strategy for maritime security; (2) streamline the overlapping responsibilities of maritime security agencies; (3) enhance its maritime domain awareness; (4) ensure proper policy and investment to improve climate resilience and coastal development; and (5) optimize its approach to multilateralism.\u003c\/p\u003e","brand":"WoB","offers":[{"title":"- \/ - \/ -","offer_id":51629732495633,"sku":"","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":true},{"title":"GB \/ NEW \/ GARDNERS","offer_id":51629732725009,"sku":"NGR9789815104158","price":0.0,"currency_code":"GBP","in_stock":false}],"thumbnail_url":"\/\/cdn.shopify.com\/s\/files\/1\/0784\/4072\/6801\/files\/9815104152.jpg?v=1757759520"},{"product_id":"stanning-najib-book-clarissa-lee-ai-ling-9789815011975","title":"Stanning Najib","description":"\u003cp\u003eThe concept of fandom, which contributes to the construction of fan fiction, provides fresh insights into the seemingly inexplicable and irrational popularity of disgraced political celebrities. Political fandom provides the critical framework for contextualizing the continuing popularity of political social media influencers such as Najib Razak within an environment of populist politics.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Political fandom comprises fans and anti-fans, each of whom is capable of critical reasoning regardless of conclusions drawn. The presence of anti-fans of an influential figure speaks not to the waning of popularity, but rather, the continuing relevance of that figure within socio-political spaces.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Malaysia's political fandom does not subscribe to well-defined morality when it comes to celebrity politicians. The fans appear more tolerant of the amorality of said politicians than they would be of themselves, their circle, and their peers. Among the Malay-speaking and especially the more rural constituents, the way politicians portray their stance on Islam and address the bread-and-butter issues of their constituents appear to be more important than the politicians' personal ethics.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Najib Razak's various sources of social capital, derived from his political lineage, his contributions during his time as Malaysia's Prime Minister, and his ability to brand himself as a social media influencer, made him appear a potent political force despite being the first former Prime Minister to be convicted of corruption.\u003cbr\u003e \u003cbr\u003e Najib Razak has been adept at spinning social media trends to his advantage and in connecting with the mundane lives and hardships of ordinary citizens. 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