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Since the beginning of human society, Quale says, forager bands and, later, family households have striven to meet the group's basic needs by maintaining a ratio of 3 active members to 2 members who need care because of immaturity, a handicap, or frailty. The book describes the way in which households have tried to reach the favorable 3:2 ratio in different areas and periods of history, factoring in the technological and environmental constraints and health hazards inherent in those areas and periods.    The broad periods considered include forager and preurban agricultural life, the period of regional cities and peasantry from about 3500 B.C. to A.D. 1500, and, since 1500, the age of world cities, which grew out of the increasing commercialization and demographic expansion of regional cities. 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Zeroing in on the ideology of policymakers and the influences of various groups on the development of appeasement policy during the Roosevelt administration, the essays pose new questions about the role of antibolshevism, examine appeasement as one part of the quest for stability and peace in Europe, and provide different and illuminating insights not only on appeasement but also on the nature of U.S. foreign policy prior to World War II. The new scholarship presented here contributes to a more complete understanding of how the United States responded to the challenge of fascism in Europe during the 1930s.    Schmitz's introduction defines appeasement and discusses why and how the policy was formulated and in what respects it differed from the policy of Great Britain. The book outlines European political conditions of the period and how U.S. appeasement policy sought to prevent German and Italian aggression by either applying economic pressure or offering incentives for cooperation with Western democracies. In the first chapter by Wayne S. Cole, the three distinct schools of historical interpretation that have emerged to explain U.S. appeasement policy are reviewed and assessed. Where as the ideological dimensions of appeasement have been long overlooked by historians, Douglas Little's chapter on the British and American responses to the Spanish Civil War addresses the problem of how to contain the right without aiding Soviet foreign policy. Chapter three, by Jane Karoline Vieth, reexamines the crucial events leading up to the Munich agreement and its aftermath through a study of the thoughts and actions of Neville Chamberlain, Roosevelt, and Joseph P. Kennedy, and their critics. 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